Monday, 3 April 2017

Children of austerity

CHILDREN OF AUSTERITY


Thanks to the UNICEF Office for Research a book has been published (April 13 2017) tracing what happened to children in rich countries following the financial crisis:

Cantillon, B, Chzhen, Y, Handa, S. and B Nolan (2017) Children of Austerity: Impact of the Great Recession on Child Poverty in Rich Countries. Oxford: OUP.

Chapter Nine is by Jonathan Bradshaw, Yekaterina Chzhen and Gill Main on ‘The impact of the recession on children in the UK’.  

The chapter was inevitably written some time ago. While the conclusion of the chapter still holds this BLOG updates some of the data.

The deep recession of 2008–09 did not immediately translate into a rise in child poverty rates. Relative child poverty, based on 60 per cent of contemporary national median income, continued falling between 2007 and 2013. This is in part the result of median incomes—and therefore the poverty thresholds—falling during this period. However, the fiscal stimulus in place at that time cushioned the impact of the economic crisis on households with children. Now (see Figure 1) in the last two years for which we have data the relative child poverty rate has begun to rise both before and after housing costs.

Figure 1: Child Poverty rates <60% contemporary median before and after housing costs



The main reasons for this increase in child poverty have been and will continue to be the cuts in in-work benefits. In particular
·         The freezing of the level of most working age benefits until 2020.
·         The limits of child tax credits and universal credits (starting this month) to two children only and the many cuts that have undermined universal credit (See CPAG’s Broken promises.)
·         Cuts in support for housing costs, particularly the bedroom tax and local rent limits.

These have to be set against an improvement in employment such that 67% of children in poverty in the UK now have a parent in employment. The introduction of the increased minimum wage though welcome has not and will not mitigate the cuts in benefits for families with children. As universal credit replaces tax credits it will further reduce the incomes of families with children – especially low income families.

By the mid-1980s the UK had one of the highest child poverty rates in all rich countries. After 1997 it managed to reduce child poverty using employment policies but particularly cash benefits. When the crisis struck in 2008 the Labour Government responded with policies designed to protect families with children. But the Coalition after 2010 adopted austerity measures which especially harmed families with children. Now the Conservative Government since 2015 is reinforcing these measures with a further £12 billion cuts in working age benefits.

The 2010 Child Poverty Act targets have been abandoned and we are no longer on course to achieve any of them (see Figure 2). The UK is set to slide down the international league table. Now the Institute for Fiscal Studies expects relative child poverty to increase from 18.8% in 2014/15 to 26.6% in 2021/22 before housing costs and from 29.0% to 35.7% after housing costs.

Figure 2: Child Poverty Act 2010 targets. Dotted lines show trend needed to meet targets.

The decline in real earnings during the recession and subsequent austerity period was combined with an increase in the cost of necessities. So it is important to monitor deprivation as well as income. Table 1 shows the proportion of children lacking necessities, and Table 2 the proportion of adults living in families with children lacking necessities, in 2007/08 compared to 2015/16. Items are counted as lacking if parents report that children do not have the item because the household cannot afford it (answer options include: children have it; lack it because the parents cannot afford it; or lack it for another reason). Table 1 shows that the proportion of children lacking items has fallen or unchanged in most cases, except a holiday away from home. The same is true in Table 2 except that parents were more likely to lack holidays away from home and insurance for the content of their dwellings. In general what is striking is the lack of any real improvement in living standards over this eight year period.

Table 1:      Children Lacking Necessities in 2007/08 and 2015/16
Item
2007/08
2015/16

%
%
Outdoor space or facilities nearby where they can play safely
14
7



Enough bedrooms for every child over 10 of different sex to have his or her own bedroom
16
14



Celebrations on special occasions such as birthdays, Christmas or other religious festivals
4
2



Leisure equipment (for example, sports equipment or a bicycle)
7
6



A holiday away from home at least one week a year with his or her family
31
34



A hobby or leisure activity
6
6



Friends round for tea or a snack once a fortnight
7
7



Going on a school trip at least once a term for school-aged children
5
4



Play group/nursery/toddler group at least once a week for children of pre-school age
8
4
Sources: Table 4.7
and



Table 2:      Adults in Families with Children Lacking Necessities in 2007/08 and 2015/16
Item
2007/08
2015/16

%
%
Enough money to keep your home in a decent state of repair
19
18



A holiday away from home for one week a year, not staying with relatives
38
41



Insurance of contents of dwelling
19
22



Regular savings (of £10 a month) for rainy days or retirement
40
38



Replace any worn-out furniture
30
30



Replace or repair broken electrical goods such as refrigerator or washing machine
22
21



A small amount of money to spend each week on yourself, not on your family
33
32



Keep house warm
9
9
Sources: Table 4.8
and

Tuesday, 14 July 2015

Need for clarity on the living wage and family benefits

Note:  This article gives the views of the author, and not the position of the Social Policy Research Unit, nor of the University of York.

Jonathan Bradshaw writes:


When Eleanor Rathbone[1]campaigned for a family endowment in the 1920s her main argument was that a working class wage was not enough to keep a man and his wife and children above the poverty level. They needed a family allowance to close the gap. The Beveridge[2]report accepted this argument and family allowances were introduced into UK social security by the Tory government in 1945 - according the Macnicol[3]in order to hold down wage demands in the post-war era. Family allowances, after a long and torrid history, have now become child benefit and child tax credit. Every rich country has a similar package of cash transfers that seek to recognise the extra costs of children[4].

Read more .....

The child transfers in the UK were never adequate to meet the needs of low paid families with children. When budget standards began to be produced in the late 1980s[5]it became clear that the biggest shortfall between net income and a minimum budget standard was for families with children. The minimum wage from 1998 closed some of the gap. Then the increases in child benefits and the introduction of child tax credits closed more. Child poverty began to fall. But there was still a shortfall. The latest poverty statistics show that two-thirds of children in poverty are living in low paid working households.

The London Living Wage was founded on the basis of this budget standards work. After the first Minimum Income Standard (MIS)[6]was produced in 2008 it was taken up by campaigners as the basis of the first UK-wide Living Wage.  Initially, in 2009, a figure of £7.14 an hour was set to cover fully the needs of most household types, including the following with very similar wage requirements:
Single person: £7.09
Couple with two children both working: £7.14
Lone parent with one child: £6.79

The key feature of the living wage is that the level was based on the net earnings and child cash benefits that would meet the MIS. In 2009 the child transfer system was doing a good job in creating a similar living wage for different family types.

This is no longer the case. The latest MIS for 2015 requires: 
Single person: £8.75,
Couple with two children: £10.24,
Lone parent with two children:  £13.67
if a family is to meet the MIS standard. These different levels are the result of changes in commodity prices, family cash benefits, direct taxes and the specifications of what is required as a minimum since 2008. The most important cause of the divergence, even before the recent Budget, has been cuts in in-work benefits.

The Living Wage is to be revised in November 2015 based on these latest MIS estimates. It is currently £7.85 outside London.

Now in the Summer Budget the Chancellor has announced that he will raise the minimum wage for over 25s to £7.20 per hour in April 2016 and to the equivalent of 60% of median earnings or currently £9 per hour in 2020.  In some ways this is a fantastic achievement for the Living Wage Foundation and the research on budget standards showing that the present minimum wage is not enough. It is a big increase on the minimum wage which will be £6.70 per hour from October 2015. No campaigner on low wages would have predicted that a Conservative Chancellor would do this.

But of course that is not the end of the story. Badged as a national living wage it is undermined by the associated cuts in child tax credits. The so called national living wage will give single people a lot of help towards reaching a decent living standard, which the national minimum wage fails to achieve. However, most low paid families with children will be much worse off. Most of their national living wage increase will be clawed back in higher tax and national insurance liabilities, a tapering in tax credit support, cuts in the rates and thresholds of child tax credits and frozen child benefit. Child poverty rates will increase for low paid families.

What is needed here is greater clarity. First, clarity that the national living wage is not a living wage, but an enhanced minimum wage. Greater clarity about how the living wage is calculated would also help. Perhaps it is time for the living wage campaign to fix the living wage on the basis of the MIS for a single person and return to the idea of the family endowment on top of that. The living wage should be the responsibility of employers and the family endowment, the investment in children, a responsibility of all taxpayers through state transfers.




[1] Rathbone, E. (1924) The disinherited family, Arnold: London
[2] Beveridge Report (1942) Social insurance and allied services, Cmd 6404, HMSO: London
[3] Macnicol, J. (1980) The movement for family allowances 1918-1945, Heinemann: London
[4] Van Mechelen, N. and Bradshaw, J. (2013) Child benefit packages for working families, 1992-2009 Marx I. & K. Nelson (eds.) Minimum Income Protection in Flux. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan 81-107
[5] Bradshaw, J. (ed) (1993) Budget Standards for the United Kingdom, Studies in Cash & Care, Avebury: Aldershot
[6] Bradshaw, J., Middleton, S., Davis, A., Oldfield, N., Smith, N., Cusworth, L., and Williams, J. (2008) A minimum income standard for Britain: What people think, York:  Joseph Rowntree Foundation